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August 17, 2018

Themes of the 2015 Presidential Polls

The Emergence and Proscription of the Indigenous People of Biafra
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The 2015 presidential poll is markedly, the most interesting in the Nations’ history. It may determine the survival and development of Christianity, ethnic minorities, and perhaps the relevance of Ndigbo in the murky politics of Nigeria. The major combatants are members of Nigeria’s minority ethnicities; Mohammadu Buhari, a fiery No nonsense General, is of the Fulani ethnic minority that has long caged the Hausa Majority, and used its size for political leverage in establishing their hegemony in Northern Nigeria. They’d also established and controlled the powerful emirate system in northern Nigeria and are the real power bloc in northern Nigeria. President Jonathan on the other hand is a Nigerian Izon, an Igbo ethnic cousin; a small minority group in Eastern Nigerian that grew principally from the Ijo and Igbo cultural shocks, and often described as a ‘collection of many peoples’ that has long been a thorn in the soft underbelly of Nigeria’s Oil economy. The politicians backing these combatants are mostly typically Nigerian; self absorbed, selfish, greedy, and blind to the abounding suffering of the talakawas. In spite of the rhetoric and party affiliations, they are mostly the same with marginal differences in greed and interests.

These two gentlemen are warring over who should be allowed to lead or perhaps, mislead the country for the next four years in the backdrop of Nigeria’s unstable polity, terror clime, orgasmic poverty, leprous self serving leadership, corrupt public institutions, and an ignorant electorate that are positioned to advance ethnic and religious biases for the benefits of the elitist priviledgentsia, who are bent on tearing the country apart for their own selfish interests. President Jonathan support emanates principally from the Igbo to whom in his six years presidency he has done nothing for; ethnic minorities of the south-south who have dividends to show for their support, Christian middle belt, Muslim moderates, afraid of the growing threats of religious extremism, and the powerful Generals who understand the consequences of a Buhari victory in clear terms.

The themes that would influence voters are based on the candidate’s profile, the economy, corruption, ethnicity, religion, and voter’s interests. These themes are not difficult to understand and expectedly; a large number of Nigerians are likely to vote simply on basis of interests, ethnicity and religious considerations. Nigeria’s phoney economy based on ‘buying and selling’ often is irrelevant in Nigerian elections. Meanwhile, Corruption disguises and distorts the economic development in the country, as statistics and figures churned up by the relevant bodies are often unreliable. The acclamation of Nigeria as Africa’s ‘Largest economy’ is an inexplicable phenomenon that does not translate to money in the pocket and employment for our countless graduates with doubtful education.


The challenger, Buhari, has an intimidating profile as a former military Head of State who overthrew an elected civilian government successfully and had been linked with the planning and execution of at least two coups. His greatest asset seems to be a public conviction of his incorruptibility and discipline. Some think that these assets are demeaned by the facts that he is being supported and promoted by very corrupt politicians from the south west and the North who are targeting the oil resources of Nigeria and the upcoming fresh allocations of oil Blocks.

Infact, some consider the APC as a south west political front which promotes the Northern Nigeria political ascendancy in a game plan which would install an aged octogenarian Fulani ex totalitarian leader with a vibrant and youthful Yoruba vice president positioned to takeover or actively administer the complexities of a growing Oil economy beyond the turf of an admirable but ill-equipped General. One of the greatest defects in the political credentials of Buhari is that, he is self opinionated, fixated, inflexible, intolerant and not attuned to the dynamism and political fragility of the Nigerian state; a fact, which led to his ouster in a palace coup led by the legendary, General Ibrahim Babangida.

Said Babangida on the justification for the ouster of his erstwhile close friend and associate, Buhari on August 27 1985:

“Let me at this point attempt to make you understand, the premises upon which it became necessary to change the leadership. The principles of discussions, consultation and cooperation which should have guided decision making process of the supreme military council and the federal executive council were disregarded soon after the government settled down in 1984.

Where some of us thought it appropriate to give a little more time, anticipating, a conducive atmosphere that would develop, in which the affairs of state could be attended to with greater sense of responsibility, it became increasingly clear that such expectations could not be fulfilled.

Regrettably, it turned out that major General Muhammadu Buhari was too rigid and uncompromising in his attitude to issues of national significance. Efforts to make him see that a diverse polity like Nigeria required recognition and appreciation of differences failed, in both cultural and individual perceptions, only served to aggravate these attitudes.”

Buhari, according to some sources, has become rather embittered against his former colleagues. Although Buhari remains a pious muslim who believes in the full implementation of the Sharia in Nigeria, he has found it difficult to distance himself from growing suspicion of extremist commitments. His lack of religious moderation has seemly made him leprous in the Nigerian secular society and his presidential ambition very unappealing. Buhari lacks the support of the Army and the moderates and his claim that he would stop Boko Haram has heightened suspicions rather than raised support. It is baffling also that Buhari, a member of the Fulani minority tribe should seek election to the presidency, so soon, after the demise of his kinsman, yaradua, whilst in power when the Igbo has been excluded from the presidency of this Nation for half a century. The failure of the charismatic O.A.R (Okorocha Anayo Rochas) to be adopted by APC as a presidential candidate shows that the party has ruled out Igbo presidency and does not consider it important that no Igbo man has been elected to rule the country in the last fifty years.

On the other hand, the incumbent president Goodluck Ebele Jonathan although better educated is perceived as weak on corruption. He has done nothing for the Igbo in six years of his administration but put a few self serving Ibo individuals in important public offices. Of course he built food storage warehouses for the south east whilst the cost of foodstuff continues to shoot up and a couple of classroom blocks and laboratories. That comes with a proposed River Niger toll bridge that ensures that every Ibo man pays to enter or exit his homeland. No similar parallel exists elsewhere in Nigeria where such reckless exploitation is practiced. Nonetheless, GEJ without the Igbo vote cannot be elected. The south west, a chunk of the South, has made a fine deal with the North to kick him out of Aso rock.

Goodluck Ebele Jonathan however, has made sufficient and remarkable achievements in the development of the economy but much of its effects can be felt only in the North and south west. He sidetracked the Oil producing states of the south East in the establishment of the small module refineries and the 3.5 billion dollars shell Gas project proposed for Imo state, may eventually find its way to the Oil and gas park promoted for Bayelsa. The East remains Barren of economic development with growing incidents of Insecurity and kidnapping. But in spite of these betrayals, we have to vote GEJ to prevail against the conspiracy of evil against our people, their resources and the Christian nations of Nigeria and make Nigeria safe for democracy.


The major factors that would influence the outcome of this year’s presidential polls shall be religion and ethnicity. Nigerians are generally corrupt and pay lip service to the problems of corruption. It is a question of individual opportunity. The likelihood of a Buhari victory appears more feasible daily, and will make power seemly irrecoverable. APC remains nonetheless, viable in Imo State under the populist government of OAR. Besides for the first time, elections would not be held in all parts of Nigeria as a great Portion of the country, the size of Belgium, is under the authority of the Islamic government in Nigeria (TIGIN) under Boko Haram which may raise fresh issues of legality and constitutionality as to whether, the 2015 election itself can be conclusive and binding when viewed in pari material with the constitutional vacuum that has made no provisions for elections in a state of war when parts of our constituent territories has fallen under the control of an alien power, excised or annexed.


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